Spencer Heath Archive

Item 284

Penciling by Heath on page 65 of a pocket notepad (originals envelope of Item 274) containing many names of people met and notes from classes probably at Teachers’ College, Columbia University.

February 7, 1934

     Talk with Mr. Briggs at lunch. — Dr. Gambs takes note of a social change from a state of free competition to one of monopoly and he thinks this inevitable. But he has no theory of social change to account for this — No specifi­cation of what it is in free competition or in connection with it that could make a state of monopoly predictable from it. There should be a theory of social change to tell not merely that the change takes place but why it occurs.

     Man used to believe that devils entered into their bodies and made them ill. Holding to this belief and acting on it kept men in subjection to disease. They now believe that the social body, society is infested with devils and that they must be cast out by violence and by incantations. Hence we have reformers who would destroy the house or, at least, terrify its diabolical inhabitants. So we must have drives against kings, priests, land owners, usurers, profit takers, money changers, speculators, practicers of competition, practicers of monopoly, racial groups, fallen leaders, ruling classes, foreigners and intelligent minorities. The witch-doctors of reform are almost endless in their exorcisms, and they abuse and distort every power of government in their damnology. But the supposed devils in the social body are not demons from without but mal-adjustments within. What seems to us as evil is the clash of forces distorted from their inherent and creative ends.

     Society itself is a general organization containing within itself many special organizations created for particular purposes. These organizations are manifold, such as religious, educational, __________, recreational, com­mercial, and governmental. With one exception, these are all non-coercive. No person becomes a member, remains a member, pays any due nor submits to any discipline except by his own will. But in the organization that is governmental, in the state, there is no such freedom. Whether he will or not every unprivileged person must be and remain a member, pay every charge levied upon him and yield up even his life, if need be, upon its command.

     But the political state is not the same as society; it is a very important organization within society. It springs into being from the nature of man and to meet a specific need. And this need is very great, for unless and until it is provided for, none of the other organizations within society can be formed or main­tained. This need is the need of protection against violence or coercive power. Since violence can be restrained only by coercive power it is necessary to repose all such power in the special organ of government in order that it may be used for protective and not destructive ends. There are also implicit in the state creative functions and powers but these do not develop until or unless it outgrows its predatory relation to economic and business life and its administrators learn how to produce the greatest pecuniary returns to themselves for the same services which also most advance the interests of the public at large. This contemplates public executives investing in and administering public agencies, instruments and affairs in a simple form of organization that will yield to them the largest return upon their services and investments and coincident therewith the utmost public service and advantage.

     Confining ourselves for the present to government as a protective agency we may examine how well this function is performed. As regards violence and coercion on the part of non-governmental elements in society such as pirates, robbers and unauthorized disturbers of the public peace and order a few governments have measurably well held these in check. But while on the one hand suppressing these, governments have on the other hand engaged and do engage under public authority in precisely the same acts and practices which the public authority is created to put down. And these acts though performed ostensibly for public advan­tage are always a detriment to those upon whom they are per­formed, and they afford an agency whereby the public power may be employed for private and narrow ends and the most burdensome monopolies and oppressions entrenched and con­firmed. Let us take an example of this: the government (not a racketeer) levies a fee, tax or license charge (not a “cut” or “graft”) upon all persons engaged in a certain kind of business or occupation.

                                      /Breaks off/